We are fortunate to have a guest post today from Robin Averbeck. Ms. Averbeck is a doctoral candidate working on the community action programs of the Lyndon Johnson administration, and has some insights appropriate to the current interest in Charles Murray’s new book and the idea of a culture of poverty. It’s always a privilege to work with a student whose research is interesting on its own terms and also engages current events in an intriguing way.
In the winter of 1963, the sociologist Charles Lebeaux argued that poverty, rather than merely a lack of money, was in fact the result of several complex, interrelated causes. “Poverty is not simply a matter of deficient income,” Lebeaux explained. “It involves a reinforcing pattern of restricted opportunities, deficient community services, abnormal social pressures and predators, and defensive adaptations. Increased income alone is not sufficient to overcome brutalization, social isolation and narrow aspiration.”1 Lebeaux’s article was originally published in the New Left journal New University Thought, but also appeared two years later in a collection of essays by liberal academics and intellectuals called Poverty in America. In the midst of Johnson’s War on Poverty, the argument that poverty was about more than money – or, as was sometimes argued, wasn’t even primarily about money – was common currency in both liberal and left-leaning circles.
Two weeks ago, New York Times columnist Nicholas D. Kristof continued this tradition when he expressed his concern that contemporary liberals tend to chalk poverty up to merely a matter of dollars and cents. “I fear that liberals are too quick to think of inequality as basically about taxes,” wrote Kristof. “Yes, our tax system is a disgrace, but poverty is so much deeper and more complex than that.” Kristof’s column, “The White Underclass,” was just one of a flurry of responses to the release of Charles Murray’s new book, Coming Apart. Murray’s book continues the legacy of his seminal 1984 work, Losing Ground, in which Murray argued that liberal welfare social policies destroyed the moral values and work ethic of the black community, resulting in the rise of single mother households and welfare dependency. In Coming Apart, Murray’s analysis has remained the same but the focus is now the disintegration of the white working class.
Murray’s book has been the occasion for the resurrection of debates about the so-called “culture of poverty,” a concept that first became controversial when Daniel Patrick Moynihan released the infamous report in which he argued that the matriarchal family was destroying the black community’s opportunity for social mobility and assimilation. Released in the midst of urban rioting and the unpopular Community Action programs of the War on Poverty, Moynihan’s report came under harsh fire by critics who argued that in addition to a shoddy statistical analysis and historically inaccurate depiction of black families, Moynihan’s emphasis on the “tangle of pathology” as an engine of poverty would enable conservatives to argue that it was not racial and social injustice that gave birth to urban ghettos, but the cultural and moral deficiencies of those who lived in them. They were right. Long before Murray published Losing Ground in the early 1980s, conservatives had successfully captured the concept of the culture of poverty and employed it as a rationale to abandon investment in the inner cities and any hope of restructuring the welfare state to adequately address the causes and consequences of poverty.
However, the debate about the culture of poverty also had deep roots in postwar sociology. In the midst of the Cold War, social scientists dedicated themselves to discovering a “sociology of democracy” that would preserve the liberal American state in the face of totalitarian tendencies abroad and at home. At the turn of the 1960s, the presence of an “underclass” of the hard-core poor increasingly attracted the attention of social scientists who feared that such an underclass was a threat to the stability of American democracy and increasingly unacceptable in an otherwise affluent society. In cooperation with private institutions such as the Ford Foundation, sociologists and academics developed an approach to poverty which argued for the organization of local resources and residents as key to any attack on poverty.
Appealing to the policy framers of both Kennedy’s New Frontier and Johnson’s Great Society, the rhetorical emphasis on participatory democracy was embraced in Washington as fresh, cutting edge social science that would, furthermore, be politically unobjectionable and rather cheap. More traditional and expensive approaches to dealing with poverty, such as Labor Secretary W. Willard Wirtz’s proposal to directly address unemployment through a massive jobs program, were swept under the rug. In 1964, the idea that poverty was a complex problem that would require new methods was the idea of the hour, and “participatory democracy,” was regarded as an all-American, relatively inexpensive way to fight the new war on poverty.
However, the cleavages that would later blossom into the controversies over the culture of poverty were already present in the conflicts and contradictions of the sociological work the Community Action projects were inspired by. On the one hand was the work of left-leaning sociologists who emphasized that poverty must be viewed as a product of social structure – insofar as pathology existed, it was a rational response to the challenges normal people faced in a condition of poverty. In Delinquency and Opportunity, which more than any other book contributed to the popularity of the new poverty theories in Washington, Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin argued that delinquency was the result of classically-ambitious Americans striving to achieve success in a society that denied them the means to do so. “In summary,” they wrote, “it is our contention that problems of adjustment are engendered by acts of social conformity performed under adverse circumstances.”2 Work which emphasized the similarity of the poor to the rest of Americans captured the primary spirit of sociological thought on poverty in the years leading up to the Great Society. However, such analysis consistently downplayed, or altogether neglected, the economic and political structures that made such inequality possible; while poverty was a formidable creature, all that was really required for its defeat was a tinkering with the structures of opportunity. Once that was done, the benevolence of the affluent society would be made open for a population of poor people who were fundamentally the same as all Americans.
However, other sociologists such as Walter B. Miller insisted that there was, in fact, something different about the poor. Rather than typical Americans trying to achieve the American dream, Miller argued, those in the lower-classes possessed their own values that were distinct from mainstream, middle-class values.3 At the start of the 1960s, this opinion was in the minority, particularly among the sociologists and policy planners who worked with the private foundations and federal government to develop an attack on poverty. By the end of the decade, however, it was becoming increasingly in vogue – Miller was joined by sociologists such as Nathan Glazer, and Moynihan himself, in arguing that the Community Action programs were the product of a naïve social engineering experiment by middle-class radicals who had failed to understand either the nature of poverty or the poor. Miller went as far as to argue that the social science work on poverty embodied by the Community Action programs represented nothing short of a cultish, group-think mentality.4 Meanwhile, left leaning liberals moved away from depicting poverty as irreducibly complex, and several former poverty warriors came to the conclusion that nothing short of substantial wealth redistribution could seriously address poverty.5
Today, the remarkable thing about the points and counter-points floating around the pages of the Times and other opinion outlets is how little the contours of the debate have changed since the late 1960s. Liberals like Kristof and Krugman focus on the material reality behind the culture of poverty, conservatives counter that the pathology has grown so considerable that it is now self-sustaining regardless of the underlying economic causes, and both groups stick steadfastly to the rhetoric of securing opportunity and restoring the treasured status of self-reliance. However, there is at least one glaring difference. In his obligatory my-two-cents column on the question, Ross Douthat cautions against aiming to do anything as unrealistic as actually eliminating economic inequality. “The crisis in working-class life Murray describes is arguably our most pressing domestic problem,” Douthat concedes. “But we are not going to address it by gut-renovating our welfare state to fit a libertarian ideal, or by dramatically expanding the same state in pursuit of an unattainable social democratic dream.” Even in the late 1960s, to refer to such aspirations as “unattainable” was simply unthinkable by the liberal and left-liberal coalition of sociologists, intellectuals and policy framers who put together the War on Poverty. Even as Watts burned, the assumption was not that the War on Poverty should be abandoned but rather that now more than ever it needed to be fought. What actually happened – that white America would be able to continue its suburbanization and affluent lifestyle while the black ghettos became increasingly desperate and difficult to escape – was precisely what the liberal imagination of the 1960s could not conceive of nor accept.
1Charles Lebeaux, “Life on A.D.C.: Budgets of Despair,” in Poverty in America: A Book of Readings, eds. Louis A. Ferman, Joyce L. Kornbluh, and Alan Haber (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1965), 413.
2Richard A. Cloward and Lloyd E. Ohlin, Delinquency and Opportunity (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1960), 39.
3Walter B. Miller, “Lower Class Culture as a Generating Milieu of Gang Delinquency,” Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 14, No. 3, 1958.
4Walter Miller, “The Elimination of the American Lower Class as National Policy: A Critique of the Ideology of the Poverty Movement of the 1960s,” in On Understanding Poverty: Perspectives from the Social Sciences, ed. Daniel P. Moynihan (New York/London: Basic Books, Inc,) 1969.
5See for example Sanford Kravitz and Ferne K. Kolodner, “Community Action: Where Has It Been? Where Will It Go?,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 385 (September 1969), 30-40.
23 comments
February 23, 2012 at 12:22 pm
ac
Do you think conservatives acknowledge the fact that the countries with the lowest child poverty rates have the highest social welfare expenditures? Or is the “culture of poverty” talk just code for race in this country?
February 23, 2012 at 12:37 pm
Robin Marie
The last I checked, conservatives were not in the habit of acknowledging any statistics about social welfare that runs up against their narrative; so my guess is, no. Or, they might acknowledge it but somehow imply that “dependency” hurts those children more in the long run than say, malnutrition.
The “culture of poverty” has by and large been code for race, yes, although as we see with Murray’s new book, it can also be used to complain about the immoralities of the white poor, as well. But the concept really grew into the creature it is today as riots were breaking out in ghettos across the country — right after Watts you have a couple of journalists misconstrue sociological work to argue that the explanation from the social science community for Watts is that it was caused by restless young boys who lacked strong fathers.
So since the late 1960s, conservatives captured the idea of a culture of poverty to make arguments about how culture and pathology, not racism or inequality, was the real culprit behind the ghettos. Liberals on the other hand ran as far away from the culture of poverty thesis as they could get, having the unfortunate effect of leaving the debate about the consequences of poverty more or less in the hands of the conservatives.
February 23, 2012 at 12:40 pm
Vance Maverick
Thanks for the illuminating post on the history of these ideas. To paraphrase ac somewhat, do you have a position on the questions yourself? I think this history has to look different depending on one’s opinions.
February 23, 2012 at 12:41 pm
Vance Maverick
(Ah, never mind, our comments crossed in the post.)
February 23, 2012 at 2:21 pm
kathy a.
“culture of poverty” is code for race and class: the undesireables. it is so frustrating to hear these opinions, that those stuck in very difficult circumstances have “chosen” an outsider culture.
look at south central L.A. and nearby areas with high concentrations of poor and minority families. in the 1960’s, many minority families lived there because they could not afford to (and/or weren’t allowed to — even in L.A.) live other places. but industry and jobs moved out of the area during the 1950’s-60’s-70’s. social services weren’t very available; schools were not funded to care adequately for and teach their students; jobs weren’t available; transportation was very difficult — i’ve heard of 2 hours riding on and waiting for buses to get to the hospital. few supermarkets; it was hard to get food without a car. very hostile police interactions with residents. on and on. for reasons including but not limited to poverty, families struggled; and if the man of the house moved on, the mama was left trying to juggle kids and work and feeding everyone. there were neighborhoods where nobody had a choice about what they now call “gang affiliation” — if you lived on a block, you were affiliated, voluntarily or not; in someone’s mind if not yours.
there were times when my family had no money; i remember my parents taking my piggy bank to buy food. we never had enough underwear. but we were white and had respectable middle-class connections; and i never suffered the obstacles that kids across town faced. that was not a “lifestyle choice” on the part of those kids and families. i was incredibly lucky to have “protective factors,” and they weren’t. i had access, and they didn’t. my parents had college educations, too, and so i was ahead just because my folks had more to offer in academic terms.
i think your conclusion is correct, that poverty is not just about money, but about constellations of problems. there are really amazing reports from just after the watts riots about circumstances leading to it — if i recall, one was commissioned by the governor, others done by universities — talking about the constellation of problems. there were some policy changes, but not nearly enough.
February 23, 2012 at 2:37 pm
kathy a.
“dependency” hurts more than malnutrition. yeah.
February 23, 2012 at 5:45 pm
Robin Marie
@Kathy a – “i think your conclusion is correct, that poverty is not just about money, but about constellations of problems.”
I’m not sure I would claim this as my conclusion. That it was the conclusions of liberals then and now is clear; but the problem with this is that it actually obfuscates the causes of poverty as much as elucidates them. As liberals used it, they intended it to be a progressive or even radical statement; ie, we need to do much more than just make welfare payments higher or some other small policy. But what happened when it became a matter of consensus that poverty is irreducibly complex is that it made it very easy for conservatives to write off strong arguments about economic inequality and injustice as crude Marxism.
Two of the sociologists I am studying, for example, Richard Cloward and Frances Fox Piven, are the exceptions that prove the rule. Although Cloward contributed to the more liberal opportunity theory at the start of the 60s, by then end he and Piven were one of the very few academics left insisting that poverty actually *is* primarily about not having enough money, about being economically disadvantaged in every corner of your life. They were also one of the first sociologists to start seriously focusing on a national strategy against poverty, instead of talking about organizing and improving merely local communities.
In a way, the argument that poverty is complex is not telling us much, insofar as it is obviously true. Your personal story above illustrates all the barriers it creates. But when people focus on merely improving education, welfare income, mental health, or any of the other strands, they end up backing away from the larger questions about why the economy and the society keeps perpetuating poverty in the first place. Which keeps us from actually talking about policy that would be a big enough and meaningful enough to allow people to get out of the “cycle.” (Vance Maverick, I think this speaks to your question too.)
February 23, 2012 at 6:21 pm
Vance Maverick
Wait, saying poverty is complex is misleading because it understates the size of the problem? (I’d insert a smiley if I weren’t afraid WordPress would turn it into a graphic.) More seriously, I think both Robin and kathy are pointing up how the problem should be understood both broadly and narrowly, not least because it’s easy to see how to act on the narrow understanding even while continuing to debate the broad one.
February 23, 2012 at 6:42 pm
Robin Marie
“Wait, saying poverty is complex is misleading because it understates the size of the problem?” Weirdly, yes. Which is to say, it shouldn’t necessarily be so, but that is how it turned out. A significant part of my analysis looks at how the same people who talk about the complexity and hugeness of the poverty problem turn around and propose piece meal, localized solutions that do not seem to be the policies that would be suggested by their own analyses of poverty. They are able to do so because while they might talk about “social structure” or “opportunity structure” and all its various, complex consequences, they do not talk about political structure, and almost never bring up capitalism as such.
I myself tend to think the consequences of poverty are more complex than the underlying causes, and we tend to mistake the trees for the forest, if that is the correct use of that metaphor.
February 23, 2012 at 6:59 pm
ac
To expand on what I was suggesting earlier, it’s a bit bizarre to throw one’s hands up and say “poverty is complex” when there exist places that have come quite close to eliminating the cycle of poverty. Finland, for example, has a child poverty rate of under 5%, compared to over 20% in the U.S. Now, one could argue (and I’m sure people like Charles Murray or David Brooks do argue) that the tax structure in Finland creates a dependency that is just as bad as the problem it’s trying to correct, and maybe they do have a rhetorical point in that people at the bottom of the social ladder are by definition going to be less poor if the state hands out large cash payments to them. However, the benefit observed is not just the affordability of some agreed-upon minimum of goods; the Finnish education system is now considered the best in the OECD, and, perhaps as a result, the country as a whole reports a much higher degree of social mobility than the U.S. Access to a good education and the opportunity to rise in society are what allow one to escape both dependency and the cycle of poverty.
It’s one thing for ideologues to deny this reality, but it seems like the whole conversation – even for liberals – gets mired in pessimism. Part of it, as I was saying above, is that it’s easy to dismiss the experience of other countries that are more homogeneous than our own. And it has to be admitted that even Sweden or Finland have a harder time achieving the same results with their immigrant populations. One should still keep in mind that there is evidence that it is possible to create a much more egalitarian society, and that this form of social organization has benefits beyond mere transfers. We can make different arguments why this kind of economy or social structure isn’t right for us, but we can’t really say that poverty is entrenched everywhere and anything one tries to do to relieve it is bound to fail.
February 23, 2012 at 9:31 pm
JAFD
For the few who haven’t come across them yet, the classic discussions of poverty, on the Web, are the essays by John Scalzi
and
http://www.scalzi.com/whatever/003708.html
also, commenting on Mr. Scalzi,
http://ksej.livejournal.com/90157.html
IMHO, stuff every one ought to read
February 24, 2012 at 4:34 am
Dave
What Finland can do, for example, is predicated on what Finland has been, and it has never been a country with inequalities as stark as those in the USA, or with a political culture as sharply attuned to avoiding collectivist responses.
To end poverty in the USA would require turning not only the political class, but also the poor themselves, into social democrats; and it may indeed be for that latter reason that it is most intractable.
I’d also note that the distinctions made, e.g. in the linked post by ksej above, have been gone through before, many times. My grandparents, for example, were poor, but they were also definitely not ‘low-class’, and would have despised anyone who was. There are and have always been cultural distinctions between people who sink within poverty, and those who swim out of it. That’s a historical fact, it doesn’t excuse or justify any policy conclusion by itself.
On the other hand, we also know from history that what helped turn individualist 19th-century aspirations to respectability into a 20th-century welfare state that actually supported millions out of poverty was the will to oblige people to live differently [seriously, I have seen film of 1950s council-house inspections, with ‘posh’ people telling ‘poor’ people how to fold their sheets…], coupled with the economic dynamism for them to really have something productive to do. I don’t think that the USA, or anywhere in Europe, any longer has either of those things.
February 24, 2012 at 5:04 am
Lurker
What Finland can do, for example, is predicated on what Finland has been, and it has never been a country with inequalities as stark as those in the US
As a Finn, I’d like to argue against this. The Finnish society of the 19th century was about as starkly unequal as any on the continent. In comparison, the then US society was a model of egalitarianism. However, your main point stands: the two countries have so thoroughly different cultures and historical traditions that replicating one society’s models in the other successfully is not possible.
February 24, 2012 at 5:13 am
Dave
Everywhere was ‘starkly unequal’ by some measure a couple of hundred years ago. One can always compare Versailles and a sod hut. But that was a tiny needle of privilege atop a basically fairly low income pyramid. Now we have a skyscraper of inequality to contend with.
February 24, 2012 at 8:04 am
ac
a political culture as sharply attuned to avoiding collectivist responses
I did say that we can argue over why such a social organization wouldn’t fit here. I’m just pointing out that other societies have made eliminating poverty a political priority, and in a few cases, this has had remarkable success. We may have different priorities; that’s different than saying that nothing we can do would have any effect.
February 24, 2012 at 8:57 am
Main Street Muse
I think it is safe to say that the liberal policies on welfare have not worked as planned.
Welfare uses money to address inequity; it does not change the status quo that allows inequity to thrive. When the Reagan recession swept through the Rust Belt, blacks were thrown out of work in higher numbers. There is impoverishment in being unable to provide for one’s family, an impoverishment that is a force for breaking down the family. It seems today that widespread unemployment is also threatening the stability of the working class white family too.
Our educational system (at least in IL), is completely dependent on local funding. Higher income/higher tax localities can offer an enriched educational experience that is rare in the Chicago Public School system (though the magnet schools, which are harder to get into than Harvard, offer an outstanding educational experience for city students lucky and smart enough to get in). But for most, by the time students graduate from elementary school, there is an inequality in experience that appears almost insurmountable. There is a structural component to poverty in America that a welfare check cannot solve.
To Dave, “individualist 19th-century aspirations toward respectability” were often drowned in tenements (as documented in “How the Other Half Lives.”) The 1930s saw the development of housing projects in Chicago – and some of the early buildings were built for white families (this segregation was sanctioned by federal housing policy at the time – the residents of the project had to reflect the racial composition of the neighborhood.) By the 1950s, when Richard J. Daley was building the city of his dreams, no white alderman would allow a housing project in his neighborhood, so the new highrise housing projects became concentrated in black neighborhoods. I would like to know your source for the idea that the “20th-century welfare state … actually supported millions out of poverty…” How did welfare do that?
The issue of poverty in the wealthiest of nations has long been debated, discussed and attacked. Today, however, it seems we are no longer focused on solving the problems associated with poverty, only blaming those who are poor for their poverty. Moving two steps back, it seems….
February 24, 2012 at 12:27 pm
ac
I think it is safe to say that the liberal policies on welfare have not worked as planned.
It depends what you mean by “welfare.” Social Security and Medicare were so successful that they are no longer viewed as social welfare programs – large numbers of people who receive benefits under these programs apparently don’t see themselves as recipients of government aid. So, sure, if “welfare” is defined narrowly, as that thing that the really poor get, it has not worked as planned. Meanwhile, the large entitlement programs we have in place helped the poverty rate among the elderly drop from over 35% to under 10% in the last forty years.
This kind of framing is important, because then we look at the failure as this isolated phenomenon. We tried an experiment, and it didn’t work, surely that because it was obviously doomed.
February 24, 2012 at 5:48 pm
Main Street Muse
AC – framing is indeed important. Welfare as that thing really poor people get has not worked as planned.
Medicare – designed to offset the failure of the private sector to provide health insurance/health care to those who tend to utilize/need healthcare more – certainly has been instrumental in helping our elderly population live a life outside of destitution.
But poverty in America remains a persistent wound. The elderly have benefited far more from liberal social policies than poverty-stricken children. And again, I assert that the liberal policies on welfare have not worked as planned. There is a structural component to poverty in America that welfare checks cannot resolve.
February 25, 2012 at 2:43 am
David in San Jose
Would restricting the levels of illegal immigration be a policy that would help reduce poverty? The idea would be to reduce the supply of unskilled labor and stop the downward pressure on wages. During the 90’s the demand for labor was so high that some businesses were recruiting people that were just released from prison. If the unskilled labor pool could be reduced it might be possible to recreate some of that demand pressure.
February 25, 2012 at 12:29 pm
Dave
“I would like to know your source for the idea that the “20th-century welfare state … actually supported millions out of poverty…” How did welfare do that?”
By being Britain, and spending half of the last century living under a basically social-democratic consensus. Then we stopped, and now income inequality has been spiralling upwards for 30 years. Hopefully we will never be as completely f*cked as the USA, but we seem to be working on it.
February 28, 2012 at 3:54 pm
Mr Punch
The name that’s missing from this historical background is Edward C. Banfield, the conservative Chicago-Harvard political scientist whose books The Moral Basis of a Backward Society (1955) and The Unheavenly City (1970) played a large part in shaping the debate.
February 28, 2012 at 9:59 pm
Robin Marie
Don’t fear Mr. Punch, he’s in the dissertation.
March 14, 2012 at 4:48 am
MinaWest
Check out Allan Ornstein’s new book, Wealth vs. Work: How 1% Victimize 99%. The book describes how the U.S. has been divided into separate estates, with catch phrases that harshly sort people into “winners” and “losers,” Wall Street and Main Street, and rich and poor (or working poor); and, how the government of the people has been replaced by big business and financial interests. The author outlines the need for a fair and just society, one that sets limits on the accumulation of wealth and inherited privilege, and includes safety nets for middle-class and working-class people.
Other topics include excellence vs. equality, education and income, manufacturing jobs, outsourcing jobs, unions and collective bargaining, unfettered capitalism, millionaires and billionaires, tax reform, college tuition and student debt, pension plans, merit and talent, innovation and technology, immigration, China and India and emerging global issues. It’s a provocative and gritty book-worth the read.